For a fuller statement of the data and arguments behind this Outline of Gāndhārī Grammar, please refer to Baums 2009, 110–239. A comprehensive reference grammar by the present author is under preparation.
1. The Sound System of Gāndhārī
Old Indo-Aryan and Gāndhāri share a system of five vowel sounds:
| front | central | back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| close | i | u | |
| mid | e | o | |
| open | ə |
In OIA, the vowels i [i], u [u] and a [ə] occur in short and long variants, while e [eː] and o [oː] are always long. In G as in other MIA dialects, all five vowels occur in long and short variants. OIA additionally has two diphthongs ai [əj] and au [əʋ].
Consonant sounds of Old Indo-Aryan (in this and the following table, parentheses indicate non-phonemic status):
| labial | dental | alveolar | retroflex | palatal | velar | glottal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plosive | p pʰ b bʱ | t tʰ d dʱ | ʈ ʈʰ ɖ ɖʱ | c cʰ ɟ | k kʰ g gʱ | ʔ | |
| nasal | m | n | ɳ | (ɲ) | ŋ | ||
| fricative | s | ʂ | ç | ||||
| tap | ɾ | ||||||
| approximant | ʋ ʋ̃ | l | j | (h) ɦ | |||
Consonant sounds of Gāndhārī:
| labial | dental | alveolar | retroflex | palatal | velar | glottal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plosive | p pʰ b bʱ | t tʰ d dʱ | ʈ ɖ ɖʱ | ʨ ʨʰ ʥ | k kʰ g gʱ | ʔ | |
| nasal | m mʱ | n nʱ | (ɳ) | ɲ | (ŋ) | ||
| fricative | (ð) s (z) | ʂ (ʐ) | ç (ʝ) | ||||
| tap | ɾ | (ɽ) (ɽʱ) | |||||
| approximant | ʋ (ʋʱ) ʋ̃ | l | j | ɦ |
2. Sound Changes from Old Indo-Aryan to Gāndhārī
2.1. Vowels
2.1.1. Monophthongization
The OIA diphthongs ai [əj] and au [əʋ] undergo monophthongization and merge with the long vowels e [eː] and o [oː]. This sound change is shared with the other MIA languages.
OIA traividyatā > trevijada [tɾeːʋiʥːəðə] (cf. P tevijjatā)
OIA kauśalya > kośala [koːʝəlːə] (cf. P kosalla)
The OIA sound sequences aya [əjə] and ava [əʋə] are optionally contracted to the long vowels e [eː] and o [oː]. This sound change is mostly restricted to certain morphological elements, such as the stem termination of class 2 verbs (see § 3.4) and the verbal prefix OIA ava- > o- [oː], and is shared with other MIA languages.
OIA darśayati > daśedi [dəçːeːði] (cf. P dasseti)
OIA saṃbhavati > saṃbhodi [səmbʱoːði] (cf. P sambhoti)
2.1.2. Vocalization of ṛ [r̩]
The OIA syllabic trill ṛ [r̩] undergoes vocalization. The default outcome is the vowel i, but after labial consonants and before labial vowels OIA ṛ [r̩] turns into u [u]. At an intermediate stage of this vocalization process, the vowel was preceded (when medial) or followed (when initial) by a tap [ɾ]. The vocalization a [ə] (without tap) occurs in loanwords from central MIA.
OIA dṛṣṭa > [dɾiʂʈə] > diṭha [diʂʈə] (cf. P diṭṭha)
OIA ṛddhi > [ʔiɾdʱi] > idhi [ʔidʱːi] (cf. P iddhi)
OIA pṛcchati > [pɾuʨʰːəði] > puchadi [puʨʰːəði] (cf. P pucchati)
OIA ṛju- → uju [ʔuʥːu] (cf. P ujju)
OIA tṛṣṇā → taṣ̄a [təʂɳə] (cf. P taṇhā)
2.1.3. Law of Two Moras
OIA syllables containing a long vowel and a closing consonant, making a total of three moras, were subject to a general MIA reduction to two moras by shortening of the vowel, or by simplification of the following consonant cluster leading to an open syllable. Because long vowels are not marked in the Kharoṣṭhī script, only the second effect of the Law of Two Moras can be reliably observed in G (through subsequent weakening of the intervocalic consonant).
OIA āsrava > asava [ʔaːzəʋə] (cf. P āsava)
OIA apāśrayati > avaśedi [ʔəʋaːʝeːði] (cf. P avasseti)
OIA -asya > -asa [aːzə] (cf. P -assa)
2.1.4. Opening of Short Vowels
The OIA short vowels i and u are frequently opened to [e] and [o] in closed syllables, especially when followed by retroflex or aspirated consonants.
OIA vāsiṣṭha > vasiṭha [ʋaːzeʂʈə] (cf. P vāsiṭṭha)
OIA buddha > budha [bodʱːə] (cf. P buddha, Bactrian βοδδο)
2.1.5. Reduction of Final Vowels
Word-final long vowels (original or the result of MIA consonant loss) are shortened, and the close short vowels i and u are frequently opened to [e] and [o].
OIA pāṃsuḥ > paṃsu [pəʋ̃su], [pəʋ̃so] (cf. P paṃsu)
OIA abhūt > ahu [ʔəɦu], [ʔəɦo] (cf. P ahū)
OIA prahāya > prahaya [pɾəɦaːje] (cf. P pahāya and § 2.1.6)
2.1.6. Palatalization and Labialization of a [ə]
In certain positions in the word, short a [ə] is palatalized when adjacent to [j] (whether original or the result of G consonant weakening) and labialized when adjacent to [ʋ]. Before [j] the palatalization result is [e], but after [j] it is [i] (which turns into [e] when word-final, cf. § 2.1.5). Before [ʋ] the labialization result is [o]. In some cases, a [ə] following m [m] is labialized to u [u].
OIA udayāstagama > udayastagama [ʔuðejəstəjəmə] (cf. P udayatthagama)
OIA āyatana > ayadana [ʔaːjiðənə] (cf. P āyatana)
OIA syāt > siya [sije] (cf. P siyā)
OIA bhavati > hovadi [ɦoʋəði] (cf. P bhavati)
OIA samanvāgata > samuṃnagada [səmunːaːjiðə] (cf. P samannāgata)
2.2. Consonants
Consonants undergo a variety of weakenings, assimilations, dissimilations and metatheses. The details of some of these processes (§§ 2.2.3, 2.2.5.9) depend on whether the sounds in question occur in normal position within a word or in weak terminational position.
2.2.1. Affrication of Palatal Plosives
2.2.2. Merger of n [n] and ṇ [ɳ]
2.2.3. Weakening and Strengthening of Medial Short Consonants
Word-medial short plosives and fricatives undergo regular weakening when surrounded by vowels. The unaspirated labial plosives p [p], b [b] are reduced to the labial approximant v [ʋ], the palatal and velar plosives c [c], j [ɟ], k [k], g [g] to the palatal approximant y [j], the unaspirated dental plosives t [t], d [d] to the dental fricative d [ð], and the unaspirated retroflex plosives ṭ [ʈ], ḍ [ɖ] to the retroflex tap *ḍ*/ [ɽ].
OIA lapana > lavana [ləʋənə] (cf. P lapana)
OIA abandhana > abaṃdhana [ʔəʋəndʱənə] (cf. P abandhana)
OIA gocara > gocara [goːjəɾə] (cf. P gocara)
OIA prajānāti > prajanadi [pɾəjaːnaːði] (cf. P pajānāti)
OIA loka > loga [loːjə] (cf. P loka)
OIA rāga > raga [ɾaːjə] (cf. P rāga)
OIA anupahata > anuvahada [ʔənuʋəɦəðə] (cf. P anupahata)
OIA upādāna > uvadana [ʔuʋaːðaːnə] (cf. P upādāna)
OIA koṭi > koḍi [koːɽi] (cf. P koṭi)
OIA pīḍā > piḍa [piːɽə] (cf. P pīḷā)
The aspirated dental plosives th [tʰ], dh [dʱ] are reduced to the dental fricative s [z], the aspirated retroflex plosives ṭh [ʈʰ], ḍh [ɖʱ] to the aspirated retroflex tap ḍh [ɽʱ], and the aspirated velar plosives kh [kʰ], gh [gʱ] to the glottal phonation h [ɦ]. The development of the aspirated labial plosives ph [pʰ], bh [bʱ] depends both on their position in the word and on their phonetic environment: their default reduction is the aspirated labial approximant vh [ʋʱ], but in weak terminational position and when adjacent to labial vowels they are reduced to the glottal phonation h [ɦ].
OIA śamatha > śamasa [çəməzə] (cf. P samatha)
OIA nirodha > nirosa [niɾoːzə] (cf. P nirodha)
OIA prauḍha > proḍha [pɾoːɽʱə]
OIA sukha > suha [suɦə] (cf. P sukha)
OIA ogha > oha [ʔoːɦə] (cf. P ogha)
OIA abhijñā > avhiṃña [ʔəʋʱiɲːə] (cf. P abhiññā)
OIA tribhiḥ > trihi [tɾiːɦi] (cf. P tīhi)
OIA ubhaya > uhaya [ʔuɦəjə] (cf. P ubhaya)
The dental fricative s [s] is voiced to s [z], the retroflex fricative ṣ [ʂ] to ṣ [ʐ], and the palatal fricative ś [ç] to ś [ʝ].
OIA bodhi > bosi [boːzi] (cf. P bodhi)
OIA puruṣa > puruṣa [puruʐə] (cf. P purisa)
OIA ākāśa > akaśa [ʔaːjaːʝə] (cf. P ākāsa)
The glottal phonation h [ɦ] remains regularly unchanged, but is strengthened to the velar fricative ś [ʝ] in one lexical item.
OIA moha > moha [moːɦə] (cf. P moha)
OIA iha > iśa [iʝə] (cf. P iha)
2.2.4. Loss and Weakening of Final Consonants
Word-final plosives and ḥ [h] are lost completely. The word-final nasals m [m] and n [n] are lost after long vowels and weakened to the nazalized approximant [ʋ̃] after short vowels (but cf. § 3.1.1 on the analogical generalization of the direct-case ending o [o]).
OIA tāvat > tava [taːʋə] (cf. P tāva)
OIA parivrajet > parivaje [pəɾiʋːəji] (cf. P paribbaje)
OIA samyak > saṃma [səmːe] (cf. P sammā)
OIA agniḥ > agi [əgːi] (cf. P aggi)
OIA mārgāḥ > maga [məgːə] (cf. P maggā)
OIA tṛṣṇānām > taṣ̄ana [təʂɳaːnə] (cf. P taṇhānaṃ)
OIA skandhān > kaṃdha [kəndʱə]
OIA idam > ida [iðəʋ̃] (cf. P idaṃ)
OIA asmin → imaspi [iməspiʋ̃] (cf. P imasmiṃ)
2.2.5. Assimilation of Consonant Clusters
- Two Plosives or Two Nasals
Clusters of two plosives or two nasals undergo complete assimilation to a long version of the second consonant.
OIA satkāya > sakaya [səkːaːjə] (cf. P sakkāya)
OIA udghāṭana > ughaḍana [ʔugʱːaːɽənə] (cf. P ugghāṭana)
OIA mukta > muta [mutːə] (cf. P mutta)
OIA prāpta > prata [pɾətːə] (cf. P patta)
OIA utpadyate > upajadi [ʔupːəʥːəði] (cf. P uppajjati)
OIA labdha > ladha [lədʱːə] (cf. P laddha)
OIA tanmaya > taṃmaya [təmːəjə] (cf. P tammaya) - Nasal + Plosive
Clusters of a nasal with a following homorganic plosive generally remain unchanged, but in the language of the Khotan Dharmapada (and occasionally in other texts) the nasal causes voicing of an unvoiced plosive and complete assimilation of a voiced plosive.
OIA śānti > śaṃti [çənti], Dhp-GK śadi [çəndi] (cf. P santi)
OIA saṃstava > saṃstava [səʋ̃stəʋə], Dhp-GK sadhava [səndʱəʋə] (cf. P saṃthava and § 2.2.5.13)
OIA vindati > viṃdadi [ʋindəði], Dhp-GK vinadi [ʋinːəði] (cf. P vindati)
OIA gandharva > gaṃdhava [gəndʱəʋːə], Dhp-GK gan̄ava [gənʱːəʋːə] (cf. P gandhabba)
OIA piṇḍa > piṃḍa [piɳɖə], Dhp-GK piṇa [piɳːə] (cf. P piṇḍa)
OIA saṃkalpa > saṃkapa [səŋkəpːə], Dhp-GK sagapa [səŋgəpːə] (cf. P saṃkappa)
OIA saṃskāra → saṃkhara [səŋkhaːɾə], Dhp-GK saghara [səŋgʱaːɾə] (cf. P saṃkhāra)
OIA saṅga > ṣaṃga [səŋgə], Dhp-GK ṣag̱a [ʂəŋːə] (cf. P saṅga)
OIA saṃgha > saṃgha [səŋgʱə], Dhp-GK saḡ̱a [səŋʱːə] (cf. P saṃgha) - l [l], r [ɾ], ḥ [h] + Consonant
The dental approximant l [l], the alveolar tap r [ɾ] and the glottal phonation ḥ [h] undergo complete assimiliation to any following consonant.
OIA vitarka > vitaka [ʋitəkːə] (cf. P vitakka and § 2.4)
OIA mārga > maga [məgːə] (cf. P magga)
OIA vartayati > vatedi [vətːeːði] (cf. P vatteti)
OIA tīrthika > tithiga [titʰːijə] (cf. P titthiya)
OIA nirdeśa > nideśa [nidːeːʝə] (cf. P niddesa)
OIA bahirdhā > bahidha [bəɦidʱːə] (cf. P bahiddhā)
OIA asaṃtarpita → asaṃtapayida [əzəntəpːəjiðə] (cf. P asantappita)
OIA caturbhiḥ > caduhi [ʨːəðuːɦi] (cf. P catūhi)
OIA apragalbha > apragabha [ʔəpɾəgəbʱːə] (cf. P appagabbha)
OIA varṇa > vaṃna [ʋənːə] (cf. P vaṇṇa)
OIA dharma > dhaṃma [dʱəmːə] (cf. P dhamma)
OIA darśana > daśana [dəçːənə] (cf. P dassana)
OIA sparśita > phaṣida [pʰəʂːiðə] (cf. P phassita)
OIA caturṣu > caduṣu [ʨəðuːʐu] (cf. P catūsu)
OIA duḥkha > dukha [dukʰːə] (cf. P dukkha) - s [s], ṣ [ʂ], ś [ç] + Plosive
The clusters st [st] and ṣṭ [ʂʈ] are preserved unchanged, and the cluster ṣṭh [ʂʈʰ] merges with [ʂʈ]. The clusters sp [sp] and sth [stʰ] undergo assimilation to the aspirated plosives ph [pʰ] and th [tʰ]. It is unclear whether the clusters sk [sk] and ṣk [ʂk] are preserved unchanged or assimilated to [kʰ]; they are here transcribed as [sk] and [ʂk].
OIA sparśita > phaṣida [pʰəʂːiðə] (cf. P phassita)
OIA vastu > vastu [ʋəstu] (cf. P vatthu)
OIA upasthita > uvaṭ́hida [ʔuʋətʰːiðə] (cf. P upaṭṭhita)
OIA dṛṣṭi > diṭhi [diʂʈi] (cf. P diṭṭhi)
OIA pratiṣṭhita > pradiṭhida [pɾəðiʂʈiðə] (cf. P patiṭṭhita)
OIA skandha > kaṃdha [skəndʱə] (cf. P khandha) - Plosive + s [s], ṣ [ʂ]
- Plosive + l [l], r [ɾ], y [j], n [n], ñ [ɲ]
Clusters of plosives followed by r [ɾ] are preserved unchanged; in clusters of plosives followed by l [l], the [l] changes to r [ɾ].
OIA prajñā > praṃña [pɾəɲːə] (cf. P paññā)
OIA brāhmaṇa > braṃmana [bɾəmʱːənə] (cf. P brāhmaṇa)
OIA sūtra > sutra [sutɾə] (cf. P sutta)
OIA dravya > drava [dɾəʋːə] (cf. P dabba)
OIA agṛdhra > agidhra [ʔəgidʱɾə] (cf. agiddha)
OIA atikrama > adikrama [ʔəðikɾəmə] (cf. P atikkama)
OIA agra > agra [ʔəgɾə] (cf. P agga)
OIA śukla > śukra [çukɾə] (cf. P sukka)When a coronal (dental, retroflex or palatal) plosive is followed by a coronal approximant or nasal (y [j], n [n], ñ [ɲ]), they undergo mutual assimilation at the point of articulation of the second member of the cluster.
OIA satya > saca [səʨːə] (cf. P sacca)
OIA yathātathya > yasatacha [jəzaːðəʨʰə] (cf. P yathātaccha)
OIA avidyā > avija [ʔəʋiʥːə] (cf. P avijjā)
OIA anumadhya > anumaj̄a [ʔənuməʝːə] (cf. P anumajjha)
OIA vimucyate > vimucadi [ʋimuʨːəði] (cf. P vimuccati)
OIA abhijñā > avhiṃña [ʔəʋʱiɲːə] (cf. P abhiññā)When a non-coronal plosive is followed by a coronal approximant or nasal, they undergo complete assimilation resulting in a long version of the original plosive.
OIA agni > agi [ʔəgːi] (cf. P aggi)
OIA saṃkhyāta > saṃkhada [səŋkʰaːðə] (cf. P saṅkhāta)
OIA lipyate > lipadi [lipːəði] (cf. P lippati)
OIA abhyāsa > abhasa [ʔəbʱːaːzə] - s [s], ṣ [ʂ], ś [ç] + Nasal, v [ʋ]
Clusters of fricatives with non-labial nasals can assimilate the fricative to the point of articulation of the nasal, or undergo complete assimilation to a long aspirated version of the nasal. Both of these possibilities are reflected in the modern Dardic languages.
OIA sneha > s̄eha [sneːɦə] (cf. P sineha)
OIA praśna > pras̄a [pɾəsnə], [pɾəɲʱːə] (cf. P paṇha)
OIA kṛṣṇa > kiṣ̄a [kiʂɳə], [kiɳʱːə] (cf. P kaṇha)In clusters of fricatives followed by the labial nasal m [m], the [m] is occluded to the labial plosive p [p]. Clusters of fricatives followed by the labial approximant v [ʋ] undergo the same development via an intermediate merger of [ʋ] with [m].
OIA anusmṛti > [ʔənusməði] > anuspadi [ʔənuspəði] (cf. P anussati)
OIA svara > [sməɾə] > spara [spəɾə] (cf. P sara)
OIA āyuṣmān → ayaspa [ʔaːjiʂpə] (cf. P āyasmā)
OIA kaśmīra > [kəçmiːɾə] > kaspira [kəçpiːɾə] (cf. P kasmīra)
OIA śāśvata > [çəçməðə] > saspada [çəçpəðə] (cf. P sassata) - s [s], ṣ [ʂ], ś [ç] + l [l], r [ɾ], y [j]
Clusters of fricatives with y [j] undergo complete assimilation. In the case of ṣy [ʂj], the second element determines a palatal outcome, but in the case of sy [sj] the dental articulation of the first element prevails.
OIA niṣyanda → nisaṃda [nisːəndə] (cf. P nissanda)
OIA kāyasya > kayasa [kaːjaːzə] (see § 2.3, cf. P kāyassa)
OIA manuṣya > manuśa [mənuçːə] (cf. P manussa)
OIA paśyati > paśadi [pəçːəði] (cf. P passati)Clusters of fricatives with l [l] and r [ɾ] generally undergo complete assimilation to a retroflex fricative ṣ [ʂː], but in those cases where another retroflex sound occurs later in the word, partial assimilation to a dental-alveolar cluster sr [sɾ] is the result.
OIA anavasruta > anavaṣuda [ʔənoʋəʂːuðə] (cf. P anavassuta)
OIA śrāvaka > ṣavaga [ʂaːʋejə] (cf. P sāvaka)
OIA śreṣṭhin > sreṭhi [sɾeʂʈi] (cf. P seṭṭhi)
OIA ślakṣṇa > sraṣ̄a [sɾəʂɳə] (cf. P saṇha) - Plosive + m [m], v [ʋ]
When a plosive is followed by the labial nasal m [m], the [m] is deoccluded to the labial approximant [ʋ]. The development of clusters of plosives with [ʋ] depends on their position in the word. In strong position, they are preserved unchanged. In weak terminational position, they undergo complete assimilation. In general, the assimilation result is a long version of the first element, but in the case of ttv [tːʋ] (with a long dental plosive across morpheme boundary) the assimilation is mutual and results in a long labial plosive p [pː].
OIA ātmā > atva [ʔətʋə] (cf. P attā)
OIA tvam > tva [tʋəʋ̃] (cf. P tuvaṃ)
OIA absolutive ending -tvā: pradiṭhahita [pɾəðiʂʈəɦitːə] (cf. P patiṭṭhahitvā)
OIA arhattva > arahapa [ʔərəɦəpːə] (cf. P arahatta)
OIA adhvan > adhva [ʔədʱʋə] (cf. P addhan) - Nasal + v [ʋ], y [j]
When a coronal nasal is followed by the coronal approximant y [j], they undergo mutual assimilation to a palatal nasal (cf. § 2.2.5.6). When a non-coronal nasal is followed by a coronal approximant or vice versa, they undergo complete assimilation in favor of the first element.
OIA bhūmya > bhuṃma [bʱumːə] (cf. P bhumma)
OIA samanvāgata > samuṃnagada [səmunːaːjəðə] (cf. P samannāgata)
OIA anya > aṃña [ʔəɲːə] (cf. P añña)
OIA puṇya > puṃña [puɲːə] (cf. P puñña) - h [ɦ] + Nasal, y [j]
Clusters consisting of the glottal phonation h [ɦ] followed by a nasal undergo complete assimilation to an aspirated nasal. The combination of h [ɦ] with following y [j] correspondingly undergoes assimilation to an aspirated palatal approximant which is then further simplified to a palatal fricative.
OIA gṛhṇāti > giṃnadi [ginʱːaːði] (cf. P gaṇhāti)
OIA brāhmaṇa > braṃmana [bɾəmʱːənə] (cf. P brāhmaṇa)
OIA dahyamāna > MIA [dəjʱːəmaːnə] > daśamana [dəʝːəmaːnə] (cf. P dayhamāna) - Combinations of v [ʋ], l [l], r [ɾ], y [j]
Combinations of the approximants v [ʋ], l [l], r [ɾ] and y [j] undergo complete assimilation according to the strength hierarchy [l] – [ʋ] – [j] – [ɾ] and irrespective of their sequential order.
OIA sarva > sava [səʋːə] (cf. P sabba)
OIA divya > diva [diʋːə] (cf. P dibba)
OIA parivrajet > parivaye [pəɾiʋːəje] (cf. P paribbaje)
OIA kalyāna > kalana [kəlːaːnə] (cf. P kalyāṇa)
OIA paryeṣati > payeṣadi [pəjːeːʐəði] (cf. P pariyesati) - Three-Consonant Clusters
Clusters of three consonants show four different types of behavior. If the last element of the cluster is r [ɾ], the whole cluster is preserved unchanged (cf. § 2.2.5.6):
OIA strī → istri [istɾi] (cf. P itthi)
OIA mantra > maṃtra [məntɾə] (cf. P manta)
OIA indriya > iṃdriya [ʔindɾijə] (cf. P indriya)
OIA saṃgraha > saṃgraha [səŋgrəɦə] (cf. P saṅgaha)In all other cases, the position of the syllable boundary within the cluster determines its development. If it falls between the first and second elements, then the last two elements combine independently. The first element is dropped if it is a plosive:
OIA sūkṣmailā > suṣmela [suʂmeːlə]
OIA ślakṣṇa > sraṣ̄a [sɾəʂɳə] (cf. P saṇha)
OIA ikṣvāku > iṣmahu [ʔiʂmaːɦu] (cf. P okkāka)and combines with the result of the first assimilation if it is a nasal or the nasal approximant [ʋ̃]:
OIA saṃstava > saṃstava [səʋ̃stəʋə], Dhp-GK sadhava [səndʱəʋə] (cf. P saṃthava and § 2.2.5.2)
OIA saṃsthāna > saṃṭ́haṇa [səntʰaːnə] (cf. P saṃṭhāna)
OIA saṃkṣepa > saṃkṣeva [səɳʈʂeːʋə] (cf. P saṃkhepa)
OIA saṃkhyā > saṃkha [səŋkʰə] (cf. P saṅkhā)
OIA saṃjñā > saṃña [səɲːə] (cf. P saññā)
OIA ākāśāntya > akaśaṃca [ʔaːjaːʝənʨə] (cf. P ākāsañca)
OIA saṃprakhyāna > saṃprakhana [səmpɾəkʰːaːnə] (cf. P saṃpakkhāna)If the syllable boundary falls between the second and third elements, then the first two elements combine independently and the third element is dropped:
OIA vartman > vaṭa [ʋəʈːə] (cf. P vaṭṭa)
2.3. Transfer of Length from Consonants to Vowels
In some case endings and lexical items, a short vowel followed by a long consonant is changed into the corresponding long vowel and short consonant. This transfer of length applied at a linguistic stage prior to G, and the short consonant subsequently underwent the weakening processes characteristic of G.
OIA gen. sg. ending -asya > MIA [əsːə] > MIA [aːsə] > -asa [aːzə] (cf. P -assa)
OIA caturbhiḥ > MIA [ʨətubʱːi] > MIA [ʨətuːbʱi] > caduhi [ʨəðuːɦi] (cf. P catūhi)
OIA caturṣu > MIA [ʨətuʂːu] > MIA [ʨətuːʂu] > caduṣu [ʨəðuːʐu] (cf. P catūsu)
OIA garbha > MIA [gəbʱːə] > MIA [gaːbʱə] > gaha [gaːɦə] (cf. P gabbha)
2.4. Metathesis and Copying of r [ɾ]
The presence of the alveolar tap r [ɾ] in a word sometimes causes the appearance of additional [ɾ] segments in other positions in the same word, and sometimes the original [ɾ] appears to be moved to another position. The direction of both processes is always from the end to the beginning of a word. When an original r [ɾ] caused the appearance of another [ɾ], the former can subsequently undergo assimilation processes.
OIA agṛdhra > agrirdha [ʔəgɾiɾdʱə] (cf. P agiddha)
OIA darśita > draśida [dɾəçːiðə] (cf. P dassita)
OIA duṣkara → drukara [dɾokːəɾə] (cf. P dukkara)
OIA pūrva > prova [pɾoʋːə] (cf. P pubba)
OIA tatra > tratra [tɾətɾə] (cf. P tatra)
2.5. Remote Assimilation and Dissimilation of s [s], ś [ç]
When a word contains both a palatal fricative ś [ç] and another palatal sound, the fricative is frequently dissimilated to the dental fricative s [s].
OIA śuci > suyi [suji] (cf. P suci)
OIA śāśvata > saspada [səçpəðə] (cf. P sassata)
Conversely, when a word contains one palatal and one dental fricative, the dental fricative can be assimilated to the palatal.
OIA śāsana > śaśana [çaːʝənə] (cf. P sāsana)
OIA saṃśaya > saṃśaya [çəʋ̃çejə] (cf. P saṃsaya)
3. Inflexional Morphology
The grammatical system of G is much simpler than that of OIA. Nouns and adjectives have two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers (singular and plural) and seven cases (direct, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, vocative). Pronouns preserve separate nominative and accusative case forms. Verbs have three persons (first, second, third), two numbers (singular and plural), three tenses and two moods (present, future, past, optative, imperative) and two voices (active, passive).
In the following paradigm tables, gaps are left for forms that are not attested in the sample of texts that this grammatical outline is based on, and parentheses indicate non-productive remnant forms.
3.1. Nouns and Adjectives
3.1.1. Masculine a Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -o [o], -am [əʋ̃] | -a [ə] (-ani [aːni]) |
| instrumental | -ena [eːnə] | -ehi [eːɦi] |
| dative | -aya [aːjə] | |
| ablative | -ado [aːðo] (a [ə]) | |
| genitive | -asa [aːzə] | -ana [aːnə] |
| locative | -e [e], -aṃmi [əmʱːi] | -eṣu [eːʐu] |
| vocative | -a [ə] |
3.1.2. Masculine i Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -i [e] (-ino [ino]) | -i [e] |
| instrumental | ||
| dative | ||
| ablative | ||
| genitive | -isa [iːzə] (-ino [ino]) | |
| locative |
3.1.3. Masculine u Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -u [u] | -u [u] |
| instrumental | ||
| dative | ||
| ablative | ||
| genitive | ||
| locative | -uṃmi [umʱːi] |
3.1.4. Feminine a Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -a [ə] | -aya [aːjə] (-a [ə]) |
| instrumental | -aya [aːje] | |
| dative | ||
| ablative | -aya [aːje] | |
| genitive | -aya [aːje] | -ana [aːnə] |
| locative | -aya [aːje] | -aṣu [aːʐu] |
3.1.5. Feminine i Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -i [e] | -iya [iːjə] |
| instrumental | -iya [iːje] | -ihi [iːɦi] |
| dative | ||
| ablative | -iya [iːje] | |
| genitive | -iya [iːje] | -ina [iːnə] |
| locative | -iya [iːje] |
3.1.6. Feminine u Declension
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| direct | -u [u] | -uva [uːʋə] |
| instrumental | -uva [uːʋə] | |
| dative | ||
| ablative | ||
| genitive | -uva [uːʋə] | |
| locative | -uṣu [uːʐu] |
3.1.7. Remnants of the Consonant Declensions
The following examples illustrate the preservation of isolated OIA consonant-declension forms in G:
nom. sg. ātmā > atva [ʔətʋə]; instr. sg. ātmanā > atvana [ʔətʋənə]; gen. sg. ātmanaḥ > atvano [ʔətʋəno]
instr. sg. karmanā > kaṃmana [kəmːənə]
acc. sg. kevalinam > kevalino [keːʋəlino]
gen. sg. smṛtyupasthānasamaṅginaḥ >
spaduvaṭ́hanasamaṃgino [spəðuʋətʰːaːnəsəməŋgino]
nom. sg. prajñāvān → praṃñava [pɾəɲːəʋə]
nom. sg. bhagavān > bhagava [bʱəjiʋə]
acc. sg. bhagavantam > bhagavaṃto [bʱəjiʋənto]
instr. sg. asatā > asada [əzəðə]
gen. sg. jāgrataḥ → jagarado [ʥaːjəɾəðo]
gen. sg. jānataḥ > janado [ʥaːnəðo]
acc. sg. bhagavataḥ > bhagavado [bʱəjiʋəðo]
acc. sg. jahataḥ → jahanado [ʥəɦaːnəðo]
gen. pl. tārayatām > tarayada [taːɾəjiðə]
gen. pl. mocayatām > moyayada [moːjəjiðə]
gen. pl. śamayatām > śamayada [çəməjiðə]
instr. sg. manasā > manasa [mənəzə]
3.2. Pronouns
3.2.1. Personal Pronouns
3.2.2. Demonstrative Pronouns
| sg. m. | sg. f. | pl. m. | pl. f. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| direct | so [so] | sa [sə] | te [te] | te [te] |
| accusative | ta [tə] | ta [tə] | te [te] | |
| instrumental | tena [teːnə] | taya [taːjə] | tehi [teːɦi] | |
| dative | ||||
| ablative | tado [taːðo] | |||
| (taspa [təspə]) | ||||
| genitive | tasa [taːzə] | tasa [təsːə] | teṣa [teːʐə] | |
| locative | teṣu [teːʐu] |
| sg. m. | sg. f. | pl. m. | pl. f. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| direct | eṣa [eːʐə] | eṣa [eːʐə] | ede [eːðe] | ede [eːðe] |
| (eda [eːðə]) | ||||
| accusative | eda [eːðə] | ede [eːðe] | ||
| instrumental | edena [eːðeːnə] | taya [taːjə] | tehi [teːɦi] | |
| dative | ||||
| ablative | ||||
| genitive | edasa [eːðaːzə] | |||
| locative |
| sg. m. | sg. f. | pl. m. | pl. f. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| direct | aya [ʔəje] | aya [ʔəjə] | ||
| (ida [ʔiðə]) | ||||
| accusative | ima [ʔimə] | |||
| instrumental | imena [ʔimeːnə] | |||
| dative | ||||
| ablative | ||||
| genitive | asa [ʔaːzə] | |||
| locative | imaspi [ʔiməspi] |
3.2.3. Relative Pronoun
| sg. m. | sg. f. | pl. m. | pl. f. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| direct | yo [jo] | ye [ye] | ||
| accusative | ya [jə] | |||
| instrumental | yena [jeːnə] | yehi [jeːɦi] | ||
| dative | ||||
| ablative | yado [jaːðo] | |||
| genitive | yasa [jaːzə] | |||
| locative |
3.2.4. Interrogative Pronoun
| sg. m. | sg. f. | pl. m. | pl. f. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| direct | ko [ko] | ka [kə] | ke [ke] | |
| ki [ke] | ||||
| accusative | ||||
| instrumental | ||||
| dative | ||||
| ablative | ||||
| genitive | kasa [kaːzə] | |||
| locative |
3.3. Numerals
The following examples illustrate the numerals of G:
dir. eko [ʔekːo]
dir. duve [duʋe], instr. duvehi [duʋeːɦi], gen. duviṃna [duʋinːə]
dir. traye [tɾəje], instr. trihi [tɾiːɦi], gen. triṃna [tɾinːə]
dir. m. catvari [ʨətʋaːɾi], f. cadure [ʨəðuɾe], instr. caduhi [ʨəðuːɦi], gen. caduṃna [ʨəðunːə], loc. caduṣu [ʨəðuːʐu]
3.4. Verbs
3.4.1. Present and Past Tense
Literary G reflects the general MIA (and BHS) system of two productive conjugation classes. Class 1 has present stems that end in short a [ə] and forms a preterite by subtraction of the stem vowel and addition of a set of i [e] endings (derived from the OIA iṣ aorist). Class 2 has present stems that end in long a [aː], e [eː] or o [oː] and forms a preterite by addition of a set of -si [ze] / -ṣi [ʐe] endings (derived from the OIA siṣ aorist). The following table juxtaposes forms from several edited G texts to illustrate this system.
| present | preterite | |
|---|---|---|
| class 1 | avhinaṃdami [ʔəʋʱinəndaːmi] | avhinaṃdi [ʔəʋʱinəndi] |
| upajadi [ʔupːəʥːəði] | paḍipaji [pəɽiʋəʥːi] | |
| uvapajiṣu [ʔuʋəʋəʥːiʐu] | ||
| parakramadi [pəɾaːkɾəməði] | avhikrami [ʔəʋʱikɾəmi] | |
| uvasaṃkrami [ʔuʋəsəŋkɾəmi] | ||
| prakrami [pɾəkɾəmi] | ||
| bhavayadi [bʱaːʋejəði] | bhavayi [bʱaːʋəji] | |
| bhaṣadi [bʱaːʐəði] | bhaṣiṣu [bʱaːʐiʐu] | |
| paribhaṣisu [pəɾibʱaːʐiʐu] | ||
| vaṃdadi [ʋəndəði] | vaṃdiṣu [ʋandiʐu] | |
| viharadi [viɦəɾaði] | vihari [ʋiɦəɾi] | |
| class 2 | deśedi [deːʝeːði] | deśeṣi [deːʝeːʐi] |
In less formal registers of written G (and presumably in the spoken G dialects), the past tense is primarily expressed by past participles and passive constructions.
3.4.2. Future Tense
The future is formed by substituting the suffix OIA -iṣya- > -iśa [içːə] for the present stem vowel. The first person singular has the endings -e [e] (probably derived from the OIA middle ending) and -ami [aːmi]; the other persons have the same endings as in the present tense. Examples for the future tense are:
kitiśe [kitːiçːe] (cf. OIA kīrtayiṣyāmi, P kittessaṃ)
uvapajiśadi [ʔuʋəʋəʥːiçːəðe] (cf. OIA upapatsyate, P upapajjissati)
bhaviśadi [bʱəʋiçːəði] (cf. OIA bhaviṣyati, P bhavissati)
3.4.3. Optative
The optative has three productive formations. The paradigm of the first formation is based on the OIA third-person singular ending -et and is marked by -e [e].
parivaye [pəɾiʋːəje] (cf. OIA parivrajet, P paribbaje)
The second optative formation is based on the OIA first-person singular ending -eyam and third-person plural ending -eyuḥ and is marked by -eya [eːje].
avhinaṃdeya [ʔəʋʱinəndeːje] (cf. OIA abhinandet, P abhinandeyya)
The third formation adds the primary endings to the second formation.
saṃkiliśeyadi [səŋkiliçːeːjeði] (cf. OIA saṃkliśyeta, P saṅkilisseyyāti)
3.4.4. Imperative
The singular imperative uses the ending -a [ə] for class 1 verbs and the ending -hi [ɦi] for class 2 verbs. The plural ending for both classes is -sa [zə].
agacha [aːjəʨʰːə] (cf. OIA āgaccha, P āgaccha)
vakarohi [ʋaːjəɾoːɦi] (cf. OIA vyākarohi, P viyākarohi)
giṃnasa [ginʱːəzə] (cf. OIA gṛhṇīta, P gaṇhatha)
3.4.5. Passive
Many verbs employ inherited forms for the passive voice:
diśadi [diçːəði] (cf. OIA dṛśyate, P dissati)
nihaṃñadi [niɦəɲːəði] (cf. OIA nihanyate, P nihaññati)
The productive passive formation uses the suffix -iya- [ije]:
saṃhariyadi [səʋ̃ɦəɾijeði] (cf. OIA saṃhriyate, P saṃhariyati)
4. The Kharoṣṭhī Writing System
Gāndhārī is written in the Kharoṣṭhī script. Kharoṣṭhī is derived from the Aramaic script as used in the Achaemenid empire of which Gandhāra formed a province. It runs from right to left and uses the same system of base signs and vowel mātrās as the Brāhmī script and its descendants. Normal Kharoṣṭhī does not mark vowel or consonant length. The Kharoṣṭhī writing system has 42 base signs that were traditionally arranged in the so-called arapacana order:
| no. | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | a | ra | pa | ca | na | la | da |
| no. | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | ba | ḍa | ṣa | va | ta | ya | ṭha |
| no. | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | ka | sa | ma | ga | tha | ja | śpa |
| no. | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | dha | śa | kha | kṣa | sta | ña | ṭ́a |
| no. | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | bha | cha | spa | vha | tsa | gha | ṭ́ha |
| no. | 36 | 37 | 38 | 39 | 40 | 41 | 42 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sign | ṇa | pha | ḱa | za | ĉa | ṭa | ḍha |
The following table presents the same 42 signs rearranged in terms of the later Indian varṇamālā system:
| a | ||||
| ka ḱa | kha | ga | gha | |
| ca ĉa | cha | ja | za | ña |
| ṭa | ḍa | ḍha | ṇa | |
| ta | tha | da | dha | na |
| pa | pha | ba | bha | ma |
| ya | ra | la | va vha | |
| śa śpa | ṣa | sa spa | ||
| ha | ||||
| kṣa tsa | ṭha ṭ́ha | sta ṭ́a |
The Kharoṣṭhī writing system has four vowel mātrās: e, i, o, u. Initial vowels are written by combining the base sign a with these vowel mātrās. Kharoṣṭhī also provides an anusvāra sign, and later forms of the script occasionally use a marker for long vowels. Four special strokes are used to mark preconsonantal r, postconsonantal r, postconsonantal v and postconsonantal y. The first three of these are secondarily used by some scribes to mark phonetic distinctions that the base signs of Kharoṣṭhī do not capture: The ‘preconsonantal r diacritic’ marks consonant length or a cluster. The ‘postconsonantal r diacritic’ marks weakening of consonants and is conventionally transliterated as a subscript line (e.g., śamas̱a for [çəməzə]). The ‘postconsonantal v diacritic’ marks consonant length or a cluster and it is suggested to transliterate it as a circumflex accent (e.g., praŝa for [pɾəsnə]). To avoid some of the ambiguity of these various diacritics, a superscript line eventually came to be used to mark consonant length or a cluster. In the middle period of Kharoṣṭhī (1st c. BCE to 2nd c. CE), several orthographic systems competed with each other. The main division is between minimal systems that use as few signs as possible and do not systematically write anusvāra (e.g., that of the scribe of BL Verse Commentary II), and phonetically precise systems that make extensive use of diacritics and anusvāra to capture the pronunciation of Gāndhārī (e.g., that of the scribe of the BL Saṃgītisūtra commentary). The following table illustrates how Gāndhārī sounds and Kharoṣṭhī signs map to each other in these two main systems. In the last phase of Gāndhārī use in South Asia (3rd c. CE), Sanskritization became a major linguistic force, and this is reflected in the Kharoṣṭhī writing system of the time by numerous Sanskritic spellings and the introduction of new consonant conjuncts imitating those of Brāhmī.
| sound | NirdL2 | SaṅgCm |
|---|---|---|
| a | a | a |
| i | i | i |
| u | u | u |
| e | e | e |
| o | o | o |
| p | p | p |
| pʰ | ph | ph |
| b | b | b |
| bʱ | bh | bh |
| t | t | t |
| tʰ | th | th |
| d | d | d |
| dʱ | dh | dh |
| ʈ | ṭ | ṭ |
| ɖ | ḍ | ḍ |
| ɖʰ | ḍh | ḍh |
| ʨ | c | c |
| ʨʰ | ch | ch |
| ʥ | j | j |
| k | k | k |
| kʰ | kh | kh |
| g | g | g |
| gʱ | gh | gh |
| m | m | m, ṃ |
| mʱ | m | m, m̂ |
| n | ṇ | ṇ, ṃ |
| nʱ | ṇ | ṇ |
| ɳ | ṇ | ṇ |
| ɲ | ñ | ñ, ṃ |
| ŋ | — | ṃ |
| sound | NirdL2 | SaṅgCm |
|---|---|---|
| ð | d | ṯ |
| s | s | s |
| z | s | s̱ |
| ʂ | ṣ | ṣ |
| ʐ | ṣ | ṣ̱ |
| ç | ś | ś |
| ʝ | ś | ś̱ |
| ɾ | r | r |
| ɽ | ḍ | ḍ̱ |
| ɽʱ | ḍh | ḍ͟h |
| ʋ | v, ∅1 | v |
| ʋʱ | v | vh |
| ʋ̃ | m, ∅ | m, v, ṃ |
| l | l | l |
| j | y, ∅2 | y, ḵ3 |
| ɦ | h | h |
Special Signs for Length and Clusters:
| sound | NirdL2 | SaṅgCm |
|---|---|---|
| ts | ts | ts |
| tʰː | ṭ́h4 | ṭ́h |
| ʈʂ | kṣ | kṣ |
| çʨ | — | ĉ |
| mʱː | — | m̂ |
| st | st | st |
| sp | sp | śp |
| sn | s̄ | ŝ |
| ʂɳ | ṣ̄ | ṣ̄ |
| çp | sp | śp |
| ʝː | j̄ | ĵ |
5. Further Reading
Bailey, H. W. 1946. “Gāndhārī.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 11: 764–797.
Baums, Stefan. 2009. A Gāndhārī Commentary on Early Buddhist Verses: British Library Kharoṣṭhī Fragments 7, 9, 13 and 18. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington.
Baums, Stefan, and Andrew Glass. 2002– a. A Dictionary of Gāndhārī. https://gandhari.org/dictionary
———. 2002– b. Bibliography of Gāndhārī Studies. https://gandhari.org/bibliography
———. 2002– c. Catalog of Gāndhārī Texts. https://gandhari.org/catalog
Brough, John. 1962. The Gāndhārī Dharmapada. London Oriental series, volume 7. London: Oxford University Press.
Burrow, Thomas. 1937. The Language of the Kharoṣṭhi Documents from Chinese Turkestan. Cambridge: University Press.
Edgerton, Franklin. 1954. “The Middle Indic Verb System.” In: Johannes Schubert and Ulrich Schneider, eds., Asiatica: Festschrift Friedrich Weller: Zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern, pp. 78–81. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz.
Fussman, Gérard. 1989. “Gāndhārī écrite, gāndhārī parlée.” In: Colette Caillat, ed., Dialectes dans les littératures indo-aryennes, pp. 433–501. Paris: Institut de civilisation indienne.
Glass, Andrew. 2000. A Preliminary Study of Kharoṣṭhī Manuscript Paleography. M.A. thesis, University of Washington.
Hultzsch, E. 1925. Inscriptions of Asoka. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Johansson, Karl Ferdinand. 1892. “Der dialekt der sogenannten Shāhbāzgarhi-redaktion der vierzehn edikte des königs Açōka.” In: Actes du Huitième congres international des orientalistes, tenu en 1889 à Stockholm et à Christiania, section II : aryenne, pp. 117–190. Leide: E. J. Brill.
Konow, Sten. 1929. Kharoshṭhī Inscriptions with the Exception of Those of Aśoka. Corpus inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. II, part I. Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publication Branch.
See also the volumes in the Gandhāran Buddhist Texts series (University of Washington Press), each of which contains grammatical sketches of the texts in questions.
© Stefan Baums 2010, 2011, 2019, 2023.
Distributed under the Creative Commons BY-ND license.
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